F is for Fascism (and The Aryan Abattoir) : An Antifascismus Notebook
F Is For Fascism And The Aryan Abattoir – Download (PDF)
‘I am a historian before I am a Christian; my object is simply to find out how the things actually occurred.’
– Leopold von Ranke
This admittedly lengthy document is a dense compilation of shorter unpublished notes and unfinished essays written largely between October 2014 and October 2015 about the subject of international fascism. What began (for me) as a simple intellectual political inquiry soon grew into a larger, much more complicated story containing elements of mob power, personal greed, clan territory and generational xenophobia wrapped within a caul of historical verisimilitude.
In short, there was far, far more to the question than I had previously thought possible and the journey lead me in directions that I did not necessarily expect.
The intent of the initial essay I had in mind (I thought) was simple. It was an honest attempt to address three fundamental questions:
- What is fascism;
- Why does fascism continue to influence the post-World War Two/European Holocaust era;
- Why is so little done about it until long after it has become fatally destructive.
As investigators and as people we must look deeper than the lingering after-taste of Adolf Hitler’s sexed-up promotion of well-frocked fascism because he wasn’t the first. Even Benito Mussolini, who began building his private Fascisti Italia during the struggle of the Great War was, clearly, the first modern fascist, not the first fascist.
When Il Duce boastfully identified Imperial Rome as the original far-right corporatist state, he was right. But even then, he was still speaking as a Europocentric grounded xenophobe. It might never have occurred to him – or any other European for that matter – that the ancient (and not-so-ancient) empires in Greater Asia; The Americas; the Arab World or within Continental Africa might also have gone through periods of fascist upheaval within their own respective (and culturally relevant) ways.
Politically (as well as historically) speaking, why would this be out of the question? As an Indigenist analyst, I certainly viewed this as a distinct possibility. And, I wanted to see if my suspicions held any water from a confessedly partisan perspective of deconstructive objectivity.
What I mean by stating that is this: my analysis here seeks to factually address the dogged persistence of fascist ideologies within the international sociopolitic. But having said that, it would be very inaccurate (and dishonest) for me to not admit that my personal experiences – having been born and raised within an overwhelmingly racialist and punitive pro-Eurocentric environment – also have critical bearing upon the perspectives and conclusions manifested within these commentaries. As they should, since the perspective(s) of the victims of fascism are just as important to understanding the problem as is studying fascist actors themselves.
But this does not (or should not) stand to mean that my speaking on and against fascism is inherently negatively prejudiced simply because I am ‘of colour‘ and ‘Indigenous‘.
It is what it is. I am a victim of fascism, as are many other POC’s, socially marginalised persons and Original Peoples. And frankly, I make no apologies for this, or for the possibility that this history may lead to a particular bias – on my part – against the far-right. And because of this, I fully expect the bile-gnawing pseudo-intellectuals of the right-wing internet trolling lobby to lazily proclaim this (and the author) to be hopelessly racist against the poor, misunderstood Christian White man who only wanted to help-out the non-European World by enslaving and maiming everyone in sight in the name of G-d. (Praise Jesus)
They will (as they have in the past) argue that everything written here is auto-magically biased. If that is so, then virtually everything that has ever been written about the history of the world by Western European and Euro-Settler academics should be regarded as equally suspect. All of it. Rudyard Kipling (for instance) took it upon himself to define the moral characteristics of White Power for everybody and was taken seriously only because he was an Englishman who had by chance of birth, hatched in one of the more important provinces and not Britain proper. Nothing else.
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